Preface
This book is the result of my first sabbatical from
Eastern Kentucky University. These six months were spent primarily on the
Navajo Reservation in northern Arizona. I worked for a month as an official
tribal archaeology volunteer out of both the Flagstaff and Window Rock offices
of the Navajo Nation Archaeology Department. In this capacity I participated in
recording archaeological sites and in conducting traditional cultural property
interviews. During the fall semester of 2000, I took courses in Navajo Studies
at Diné College in Tsaile, Arizona, including Navajo Tribal Government, Navajo
History, Navajo Oral History, Navajo Holistic Healing, and Navajo Rug Weaving.
I also began writing this book.
Through seven years of heavy undergraduate anthropology
teaching at Eastern Kentucky University, I have become convinced of the need
for literature that is specifically oriented to general readers as well as
undergraduates, many of whom may not be anthropology majors. This literature
needs to be accessible in the sense that it is relatively easily read by
interested, intelligent non professionals. Too often, anthropological case
studies contribute to the common problem of not being able to see the forest for
the trees. Following good anthropological tradition, great quantities of
descriptive detail and copious references are provided without enough emphasis
given to central themes. Students, initially excited about learning about a new
culture, are often intimidated by the detail and eventually lose interest.
Thus, this literature must strike a delicate balance between main theme and
detail, where the former is not overshadowed by the latter, and yet where the
issues are not over-simplified. In this book I have attempted to strike such a
balance. My main motivation in writing it stems from the belief that if
anthropology cannot be made interesting, worthwhile and at least somewhat
conceptually transformative, then something is wrong with our collective anthropological
pedagogy.
This literature needs to provide not only sound
description of cultural and historical processes, but also needs to serve as an
anchor point for understanding important contemporary issues. Students often
are more motivated to understand a new culture if there is a specific topical
issue woven into the presentation of that culture. Additionally, students need
to be provided a clear point of articulation at which their own culture and the
new culture meet. This meeting may be antagonistic or beneficial; the specific
nature of the meeting is less important than the fact of the meeting itself.
Without a point of articulation, students fumble about in a kind of “cultural vertigo” where they are unable to
see the relevance of studying the new culture because it lacks meaning for
them. Rather than placing the burden on the student for overcoming his or her
own cultural vertigo, it is the responsibility of anthropological pedagogy
overall.
Through teaching it has also become clear that students
learn best if an entertaining but relevant story is embedded in the lesson.
Such stories add a personal dimension to a lecture or a reading that helps
paint a visual picture for the learner, thus enabling him or her to relate to
the material differently. In an effort to provide this personal dimension here
I have included what I call “Journal Entries.” I did indeed keep a journal
during my sabbatical, which included sketches, maps, descriptions of personal
experiences, events I attended, factual information, impressions, poems and
emotions. The Journal Entries included here are in some instances taken almost
verbatim from my journal, others are slightly altered, after I made the
decision to include such entries in the book. Every entry has substantial basis
in my actual experience. The order in which the reader encounters the journal
entries is not necessarily the order in which they actually occurred. All of
the personal names have been changed.
The Journal Entries also provide the basis for one of the
central themes of the book: continuity and change. Through occasionally
fast-forwarding to the present, the reader is able to see how various aspects
of Navajo life have remained similar, and how others have changed. The theme of
continuity and change is also apparent through the relationship between the
Prologue and the Epilogue–how Spider Woman of the original stories may be
understood by Navajo today.
The choice of Spider Woman is deliberate. She is a common
and well known Navajo supernatural entity, with a very prominent home. Anyone
who has–or will–visit Canyon de Chelly will most likely also visit her home,
Spider Rock. Thus, the choice of Spider Woman and Spider Rock as continuing
narrative threads, although perhaps approaching the cliché for Navajo scholars,
allows the average reader both a geographically and culturally-accessible entry
point into both Navajo culture and traditional cultural properties.
My interest in writing this book centers on two main
goals, both directed to undergraduate students as well as the educated lay
public. The first goal is to introduce the concept of traditional cultural
properties. This legal concept centers on the tangible and intangible physical
manifestations of our collective experience in this continent. Our collective
experience includes Native American creation era events, prehistoric
archaeological sites, and the historic period since the European invasion of
the continent. I discuss key pieces of legislation to provide the foundation
for understanding traditional cultural properties–those locations on the
landscape that are important reflections of our collective cultural experience.
The second goal of the book is to serve as an albeit
brief but nevertheless stand-alone introductory ethnography of the Navajo. This
is a tall order for a short book, particularly given the tomes of written work
on the Navajo. Thus, I wish to make it clear that I have made no attempt to
create a comprehensive Navajo ethnography. Rather, this work provides an
introduction and further references to other sources and/or various web sites
that contain further information about Navajo culture as well as other
perspectives on Navajo issues.
These two themes meet in this book, and their meeting
complements each other. Students can recognize the importance of understanding
Navajo culture because it may touch their own activities through visiting
Canyon de Chelly or the Grand Canyon, or skiing at the San Francisco Peaks.
Even if students live far from Arizona, they may be able to envision themselves
doing such things, or may choose to visit the Bighorn Medicine Wheel or Devils
Tower in Wyoming, or even far away Uluru (Ayers Rock) in Australia–all high
profile traditional cultural properties far from Navajoland. My hope is that the
lessons learned from the Navajo context will enable readers to look at their
own landscapes differently, and to appreciate the fundamental importance of all
such landscapes to different cultures. Thus, this book serves as a springboard
towards recognizing the importance of traditional cultural properties where
ever in the world those properties may occur.
In working toward these goals I provide two perspectives
concerning traditional cultural properties. One perspective is that of the
western, legalistic framework that seeks to manage traditional cultural
properties, and the other is the Navajo perspective that creates the
traditional cultural property itself. The Navajo perspective appears in the
Prologue and Epilogue, thus “book-ending” the main text firmly in that
perspective. I have also sought to keep the reader tied into the Navajo
perspective by liberally peppering the main text with reference to the Navajo
creation era, even when the text concerns the western, legalistic perspective.
My hope is that the reader does not forget the cultural context–whether it be
Navajo or other traditional culture–that breathes life into the very same
traditional cultural properties that the western, legalistic framework is
designed to manage.
I also hope to provide a sense of the difficult-to-escape
cultural tension that exists between Indian, land-based religions and federal
land management needs, oftentimes concerning identical tracts of land. No easy
answers to this cultural tension appear in this book, for there often are none.
Although at first this fact may seem disappointing, hopefully readers will come
to accept this fact as a reality of the complex world in which we now live.
Chapters One and Two provide a cultural and historical
background to the Navajo. Chapter Three presents Navajo examples of traditional
cultural properties. Chapter Four introduces the concept of traditional
cultural properties and the legal background that created the framework to
manage such properties. Chapter Five outlines the current Navajo Nation economy
with its focus on natural resource extraction and the substantial royalties
that flow into tribal coffers through such extraction. This current economic
situation is discussed within the difficult irony that traditional cultural
properties–an embodiment of traditional Navajo culture–are often threatened by
the very projects that fund both traditional Navajo cultural programs as well
as improve the current standard of living for tribal members. Chapter Six
describes how cultural resource management–including traditional cultural
property work–is carried out on the reservation. Finally, Chapter Seven
compares and contrasts traditional cultural properties at various scales, and
addresses the difficult issue of material benefit and cultural loss in the
Navajo context. This final chapter also broadens the discussion beyond the
Navajo context to briefly consider several high profile traditional cultural
properties in other North American contexts, as well as in Australia.
Unfortunately, it is not uncommon for a student in my
North American Indians class to ask why Indians need to be treated fairly
today, since they were conquered by a technologically superior society. I
believe that this position, even if voiced by few, is shared by many. As a
teacher, I owe that student a reasonable, well-considered answer rather than a
piercing look of disdain stemming from a sense of political correctness.
Indeed, that moment may be my best opportunity of the semester to actually
teach that student something truly important.
I suggest several issues for the student to consider. I
suggest that the manner in which the dominant society treats its minority
members is a reflection of the values of the dominate society. If minorities
are treated with injustice, then we are an unjust society. If not all members
of our society are allowed to practice their religious beliefs, then we are an
intolerant society. Since most of us believe that the United States is founded
on justice and tolerance, it is incongruent that the dominant society should
treat a minority group–even if they were militarily conquered–with anything
other than justice and tolerance. This suggestion encourages students to
reconsider their position from a new perspective.
I also speak about the tremendous loss in the number and
variety of cultures that exist in the world today. This loss is due to the
spread of industrialization into the far corners of the globe, in search of
both natural resources and markets for their products. Thus, students are able
to understand the unpleasant truth that the loss of world cultures is tightly
linked to our own “progress.” As traditional cultures–embodied in traditional
cultural properties–fall by the wayside and are replaced by the modern,
industrially-based values of individualism and competition, our world becomes
less interesting, more blandly uniform. The loss of world cultures is our
communal loss, as cultural diversity enriches the lives of everyone.
By educating students as well as the lay reader about
traditional cultural properties as understood from the Navajo perspective,
readers are better able to understand the role that tradition plays in the
contemporary lives of the Navajo today. A new insight is gained into the
tension that exists between economic development, traditional heritage, and
cultural resource legislation. This insight, in turn, allows these individuals
to recognize and support the need for progressive legislation–and the
consistent application of that legislation–that enables our society to be both
just and tolerant. This new perspective can only help the Navajo people as new
policies, procedures and agendas are set that impact their lives and culture
both on and off the reservation.
Royalties from the sale of this book go to the Native American Scholarship Fund, sponsored by the Society for American Archaeology, to support Native Americans and Native Hawaiians in their pursuit of degrees in archaeology.